History Of Manolis Theonas

A little further above the central square of Filoti, on the way to Apeiranthos, is the traditional shop of Nikola Theonas.

His grandfather, Nikolas Theonas, opened a small grocery store in the middle of the village in 1934, selling food and food products such as olives, olive oil, cheeses (the basement of the shop had more than 1000 kefalotyrias and anthrothyra), spices, hake, smoked herring, tea, coffee, pepper, oil lamp, bulk drinks in desserts, sugar, etc.

In 1952 the grocery was transported to the main road of the village, which was still dug and illuminated by Luke (it was an old oil lamp to illuminate large spaces) as the electrics settled in 1961. Then bought the first electric professional refrigerator (after those of Chora, the capital of the island) and the first frozen products, ice cream, fresh butter of Corfu, gassos, slice of barrels, salami, beers, and many other products made their appearance.

In 1979 he was succeeded by Emmanouil Theon’s son, adapting the company to the demands of the times, turned to the buildings for the reconstruction and maintenance of buildings.

In 2014, the store goes to the third generation of the family to grandson Nikolaos Theonas who, together with his father, is back to his roots.

The store has traditional items, herbs, spices, local wines, olive oil, sweets and Naxos drinks.

The store’s space exudes its original age through its traditional utensils and instruments and creates a sense of museum space that makes you nostalgic in the years of your grandparents and your parents.


In terms of Bourdieu, the young NT. he had a powerful cultural capital compared to his fellow villagers20. I recall that the term refers to anything related to a person’s personal and social background. It is a concept with many aspects (tastes, preferences, formal qualifications, know-how, cultural skills, good-to-evil ability21) and is determined by the social position of each one. According to Bourdieu, individual culture is immediately linked to social inequality. He also concluded that the cultural habits and predispositions inherited from generation to generation by the family play an important role in school success.With another term of the same French thinker, NTH had a separate habitus22, shaped by the cultural context of his upbringing and less of class or economic.
Hidden or obvious wish of the young NT. (as she interviewed me) was to “learn letters”, but she told her mother to become a merchant. It eventually influenced him: “The mother encouraged me to become a transgressor so-called, at that time, so they were telling them,” They were translators, they were here and they were getting. ” Not

20 The term “cultural capital” was originally explained by Bourdieu and Passeron (“Cultural Re-production and Social Reproduction”, 1973). See, and Pierre Bourdieu, Texts of Sociology, Preface – Editing by N. Panagiotopoulos, Delfini, Athens 1994, 75 pp.
21 cf. Ph. Smith, Cultural Theory. An introduction, metric. Ath. Katsigeros, Critique, Athens 2006², 217.
22 For the term see for example, P. Bourdieu, The Feeling of Practice, Ms. T. Adelli,
Alexandria, Athens 2006, passim.

it is accidental that his mother’s grandmother was a sister of two prominent forms of the philanthropic life of Neophytos and George Pagina23. His mother, therefore, considered that the symbolic capital (another term of Bourdieu24) that would eventually be acquired by her son involved with trade would be strong. Social classes are distracted by the proportion of economic capital to the cultural capital that the same thinker claims. The position a person occupies in the social system depends on the total size of the two
of the funds it holds, but also with the relative importance of each form of capital. Moreover, I point out at this point the power of the influence of the young Nicholas his mother. Let us consider, again, on this occasion, the influence that is exercised on young people and by whom. I reject, once again, the unilateral and rigid theory of some “feminist circles” about the disadvantage of women, their diminished (comparative) role in the family hierarchy, the allegedly undoubted male domination25.
A necessary theoretical extension: The pre-industrialist man did not object to education as such but to its actors. The political (ultimately) dependence of the weaker social strata on the upper ones depended largely on the sovereignty of the latter from the former with the practice of attempted violent or voluntary civilizations (the cultural goodwill of Bourdieu26), at least according to Gramsci (Gramsci) “cultural hegemony” 27. On the contrary, she believed in her creative power (the human abominable wood deselected) and considered it the only accessible tool for the social mobility of her children, the boys par excellence. Its possible devaluation by the ordinary people (or its satirists) was hysterical, as a result of the dominant / hegemonic ecclesiastical discourse, which combined the possession of Knowledge-Education with the controversy of its doctrines. In our case, I consider how the theory of relief works in the analysis of humor: This theory,

23 Steph. Nick. “Neophytos Pagidas, origin, birthplace”, in the volume of Filoti, vol. A, Naxos Philothis Association, Athens 1986, 143-158; Stef. D. Helmelos, “The scholar George Papagas”, in the volume of Io Prombonas, Steph. Psarras (Ed.), Proceedings of the First Panhellenic Conference on “Naxos through the centuries”, Athens 1994, 743-750.
24 P. Bourdieu, “The Symbolic Capital”, Contemporary Issues 80 (June 2002), 18-21.
25 See what I write about the woman in another naxious village, in Korona, in MG Sergi, “Local
identity and reason: The case of Korone (early 20th century – 1944) and John
Huzouris “, Proceedings of the 3rd Pan-Hellenic Conference on” Naxos through the centuries ”
Io Prombonas, Steph. Psarras, Athens 2007, 734-736.
26 P. Bourdieu, The distinction. Social Critique of the Festive Crisis, Ms. Kiki Kapsampeli, Patakis,
Athens 2003 ?, in the relevant section of the Terms Index.
27 Antonio Grassi, The Intellectuals, Ms X. Th. Papadopoulos, Stochastis, Athens 1972.

as I have analyzed elsewhere, perceives satire as an antithesis, as an institutionalized violation of the socially acceptable28. The folk man saves what he can not conquer, the salutary value of satire lies in the fact that he emancipates him from all external endeavors, educated here.
The young still Nathalie. was aware of this diversity (“my root is different”), which he transformed into an individual, free creation. What follows here is essentially the course and transformations of a daily man, his values, his interests, the strategies he devised to realize: As early as 1931, a 15-year-old child, he worked as a water- in the time of the Naxos, Tragheas, Filoti, Aperanthous, paid 25 drachmas a day, when the equivalent of 10 hours of the worker was 50. He was taking care of providing water in time for the thirsty workers, in every appeal, so that they would not lag behind their work. Later (1938) he was sent to serve the country. He fought on the Albanian Front, gave his last battle with the Germans in Thessaly, “plunged” pedestrian in Athens after the collapse of resistance to the conquerors.
With the first money of “waiter” he mainly launches a shop in Filoti, in 1934, in the area of Fasola. It establishes a firm trade, ie, alongside the route with the neighboring villages of Filoti. It sells primarily baked and manna-based products, cheeses, oils,
First of all: Let’s briefly give a picture of his village society during the Interwar period29. Was going:
– for a multitudinous society, with a very active and creative culture of tradition (cultural homogeneity), with minimal social differentiation (based on economic inequality), with a local economy largely autonomous, liberated by wider relative structures and relationships, not existing powerful external influences, but acting as an integral integrated system30,
– for a poor peasant-peasant society, with a minimal number of educated (compared to the adjoining parable villages – the standards of the area, namely Tragera, Apeiranthos and perhaps Koronos). I prefer the uneducated shepherd-peasant to declare the sovereignty of his first synthetic term versus the second in the specific phyllotic case. From the first half-decade, I think that the village of Manoli begins to form what the late Manolis Psarras calls a “bourgeoisie”, that is to say a part of the strong social group of Piatzalides. It is they who relied on the economic capital first, to turn it later into symbolic:
28 MG Sergis, Aklyrimata. The intersections as aspects of otherness in the ancient and the newer
Greece, Antonis Anagnostou, Athens 2005, 41.
29 The population of the village during the interwar period ranges around 2000 souls. OR
1928 census shows 2098 people, 1057 men and 1041 women; the 1940’s, 2073
individuals, of whom 1102 are men and 971 women. Thank you so much for that position
Vassilis Fragoulopoulos, both for the above information and for his good
position to read my text in its first form, to submit its observations and
to discuss them. For the same reason I thank Garyphalia G. Theodoridou and him
Reader – Noti Papakyarsissi.
30 As described, e.g. R. Redfield, “The Folk Society”, The American Journal of Sociology: 4 (1947), 293 et seq.

“They took all the work of the foot and other parasitic occupations in our villages, with the exclusivity of the trade, the community authority, the clergy, the cleric and the councils, and became the commanders and representatives of the politicians in our village, slowly, under the shadow of the bridegroom, who, over the course of time, formed the view that he was the key to winning his case, even the courtroom, when the potter they protected you with the ruling party
? and had the opinion that without the potato nothing could go in front of our village “31.
The occupation of the relatives during the Interwar period in Filoti, although requiring skills and some specialization, was still primitive, without technology of course and division of labor. The NTH (and every similar merchant who was born on the market) was a self-employed who needed all the forms of capital I had mentioned before. As far as financial capital is concerned, in general, in the “traditional” man, independence 32 was symbolized by the possession of his personal tools, these scepters today, but so important tools / means of production that allowed him to act self-righteously. As to the postmodernity of modern Greece (much more in the late modernity of its former “thick cows”), the next one sounds rather funny, one of the first instruments / instruments of production of the NT. was his donkey that he replaced about it
1950 with a larger “power, horsepower” machine, one half. Entry into the profession was free, but not easy, because it already had competitors. Therefore, the possibilities of social rise certainly existed, but I was also strengthened by what G. Dertilis calls “the ideology of prosperity”. But this is a natural consequence of the progressive ideology that instilled in his mind the knowledge of his origins, the possession of the funds mentioned, his particular individual character as inherited habitus.
Also the commercial tours of these small-scale merchants in the nearby villages were important: The acquaintances they acquired with the “foreigners” were beneficial for the economy of the village, but also for the good outside testimony: They were his ambassadors (ie, M. Psarras), “made an important factor in the communication of our villages” 34. The famous Kubaros, as they called them, were the friends of every xenohorian who, when one of them was found in Filoti (for example, to sell his merchandise), housed him in his residence. Narrated by NTH the case of ten Glinadots who arrived at Filoti during a night of Occupation, following the massacres of the stolen cow of some of their Cowboy cows … Unfortunately, they were erased from some point … They hosted them; careful and hungry; with a “head” cheese (only people of Occupation can recognize their true physical value) and their

31 “Historical and Folklore Composites [Filoti], in Philoti, vol. A, et al., 227.
32 See Eric Hobsbawm, Separate People …, op.
33 In the History of the Greek State, 1830-1920, Hestia, Athens 2015², 3.
34 Manolis I. Psarras, “Historical and Folklore Composites [Filoti]”, in Philoti, vol. A, et al., 223.
35 Ib, 223.

their friend Nicholas consoled himself.
The work of NT. (as a whole, as the seat and the touring /
static trade) was undoubtedly painful, requiring extra physical effort.
But his shop was incidentally a peculiar social space because of it
the gathering on it of many people and the communication being developed
between them. He was talking for hours with his clients, coming to a closer
with the culture of his own village, the nature of his profession
advantageous to his fellow villagers. I think that as a ”
righteous “influenced in many ways in the philological reality, in
in the illiterate environment of his village.
As a small trader in the inter-war Filothy he distinguished his contact with
people, poor and humble, long-lived by wealthy customers or
loafing. His clientele was poor, poor and same as he told me.
He had met in nearby villages with many merchants or simple producers, with
whom they collaborated with. In Chora (for example) with Vassilis Sergis-Volaris, who
had organized a “wholesale popular market” of today’s Lahanagoras Athe-
in the Red Houses, one kilometer before the Chora. From him
he bought species of manna and carried them to Filoti. Suppliers of Sergi
were the farmers of Livadi, who sold him the surplus product
their family production. “Basil was like a consulate,
like a delegation of the Upper Chorus. “From his fellow villagers and them
neighbors of Psilohorians supplied oil and cheeses.
Since 1953, his bottled shop was upgraded, first of all
changed “commercial orientation” and moved to the place where it is located
today the Manolis son’s shop, on the main road of the village,
in the exit to Apeiranthos. It has already passed 20 years since its first start.
The village has timidly begun to leave the immobility of previous years.
He lives his own modernity, which is translated in various ways. I omit others
its expression, I remain in the consumption not produced by the
of goods. Now more and more residents are involved
in the gradually emerging consumer “explosion”, consume (observing
proportionate) and positional goods, reinforce the individual
identities through and consumption. As I have presented in detail
elsewhere, its role in studying individual identities is important36. THE
NTH and its other rival competitors (Smilis – Mikhail Vassilakis, Juan –
the islands, the Lianopoulai, the Tsainis – Dim. Scripture, Lena – Stam. Scratch, etc.)
they are now creating consumer needs in their philanthropic audience, of course
and artificial. Other survival goods with which he has been combining for centuries and
through which village society survived and other prestige. I’m focusing
more at this point: The innovative (for the time) initiation of the philanthropist
of the public, who assumed “friendly will” (of course, the other “translators”
his predecessors and epigones) led him to gradually move to what we call
today a peasant community. The catalytic role of this “transgender”
entered the traditional structures of the village, their birth-hog,

36 M. Sergis, Urban Folklore …, op., 533-534, 544-545.

and put his own fat on their transformation. In other words, it made this transition more smooth and normal. It has brought about an inward change without any turbulence, which could only be achieved by a “traditional” man with modern ideas. Of course, all post-war transitions that led to a modern Greek society with improved external conditions of its everyday life did not meet social resistances. Where they appeared, they were about deeper issues …
The economic and social development of Nt. I think it must be combined with one more strategy, without of course being able to discern the boundaries between strategy and love: The affiliated affinity 37, this powerful factor, the basic matrix for the conception and organization of social relations , the main regulator of social, political and economic relations of local, especially micro-communities, as it has been characterized38. He married his beloved Irene, daughter of George Lianopoulos (of Vathiadis), one of the six brothers, Lianopoulos, big merchants in Halki.
The NTH now has glasses, sheets, paints (he handles various oil paintings), yarn, lingerie, groceries, plumbing, toys, novelties. His fridge was equipped with frozen food, ice cream, cold cuts. His shop had the character of the old grocery stores – “department stores”. He was at the same time a butcher (in one corner). In front of his shop he had installed a gasoline and oil pump. The philanthropic mentality described by M. Psarras has now passed and refers at least to a period of 30 years longer: The grocery store of some Piatzalidis also had a butcher’s shop39. His owner was confined to the slaughter of a livelihood of “living” and sparse beef40.
M. Psarras (in the peculiar presentation of the social strata of the village about the Interwar period) writes for the Piatzalides and especially for a subgroup of them, some cosmopolitan people,

37 See p. B. Nitsiakos, Traditional Social Structures, op. cit., 65 pp. himself, “Mechanisms
” Alternative Social Structures ”: Puppies and Customer Relationships in Rural Greece “,
Folkloric, Odysseus, Athens 1997, 111 cf.
38 Cf. the analysis I try in the example of Mayor Andreas Politis of Naxos,
in “Society, customer relations and municipal elections in Naxos in the first decade
of the 20th century: The prominent figure of Andreas I. Politis (1841-1909), in the volume of Ch. Babouni
(ed.,) History of Care. Honorary Professor George N. Leontsini, National and Kapo-
University of Athens, vol. A2, Athens 2011, 1241-1262.
39 Manolis I. Psarras, “Historical and Folklore Composites [Filotiou]”, op., 221-222.
40 See what I mention in MG Sergi, Passport rituals in the Asia Minor Pontus (mid 19th
1922): Birth, marriage, death, Herodotus, Athens 2007, 45-46. Incidentally (because
I find it extremely interesting to study the folk diet, but also the morality of the “old”
I would point out that the phyllotic merchants during the inter-war period did not slaughter oxen because they had
“sacrificed” to the consciousness of the peasants, since they were combined with the couple and together
their contribution to the economy of the village. I think that this behavior should be combined
do with premeditation; lost long ago; relationship between man and nature, especially man
and animals, especially those who have once defeated the weak human nature and therefore
were dealt with. The market, therefore, of beef was automatically combined into simple thinking
Filotitis with the existence of a sick person in his home, constituted a social violation.

with few grammar knowledge and small property owners in the village: “… Those who possessed this qualification were made in our village by traders, retailers and brokers, but [were] the permanent presidents and councilors of the Community, the priests, the commissioners of the church, the commissars of the village, the friends and playmates of the deputy, who only corresponded with him, who were the people who never would not deny the piss of any poor … “41.
The NTH it has nothing to do with the above, and has never been a politician. He was of course an active citizen with progressive ideas ready to serve them in practice. His independence can be interpreted as being related to the material conditions of his profession, from this independence his ability to deal with the politics of the village. But he did not deal with them actively. It was foretold that his shop was a social space, a social center, could mobilize, direct the political consciences of his fellow villagers with whom he collaborated. He could of course express his opinion without fear of losing his job or his clients perhaps, as long as they knew his person as honest and honest man.The non-existent institutional organization of merchants on the island intensified this autonomy. It is certain that, as a free citizen and progressive man, he was a supporter of Papathanassiou42 in the communal elections, a person who, by common accord, contributed to the post-war change of the village with his work.
From the year 1938 he began expanding his trades / trades in the Livados villages. It was then that he “first came” to sell his work in Kato Choria, the beginning of a 20-year multi-faceted relationship that ended in 1958.
According to his information, he had started his dealings with Agersani, but the village “was very poor”. His judgment confirms my own view43. “I was occasionally going to Tripods, but my concern was Glinado.” He exhibited to me the spiritual development of the Tripodiotes and their economic counterparts, which led them earlier (in comparison to other Livados villages) to an economic independence (“they were more independent”), but judged that they did not “match” it because they were somewhat embarrassing “tight” in their dealings, while Glinadiotis “did not have a great deal of selfishness in trade.”
He focused on Glinado and his world, with whom he gained a remarkable relationship, which he himself and all his grinning informants confirmed: “I worked very well along together, and I was able to do what I could carry and pay. I did not laugh at me, I did not laugh at anyone … I spent a life of grace together, and they embraced me, even that meager trade that I did … I got so much together I thank you Poor but honest I have no oil … – What did you say?

41 Manolis I. Psarras, “Historical and Folklore Composites [Filotiou]”, op., 220.
42 See p. Naked Future, ff. 62/140 (April 24, 1951), p. 1 and 467 (October 1982), p. 1. Euchar-
and also from this friend Lazaros Theophilos for his help.
43 N. Kefalliniadis, Agersani, Naxos. The productive, traditional and tourist village of Livadohori,
the word Saint. Arseni Naxos, Athens 1987.

there was the oil there, the concrete was the oil there. And I left them and they spent seven, eight months getting paid, but I never did. In the poor people I always owned, I loved, because I too poor I was … I could work but I was not a wanderer … I embraced and embraced me … Glinado as a place for my village to feel like my neighbors, my joke, with my kindness … I did what I could, embraced the people, embraced them and embraced me. “Stronger proof of these considerations is for me the nominal reference to all the village’s family-guides, to members of their family, to individual Glinadots, without the par Cro blank memory gego- hand caused me inexpressible impression. I learned details of the lives of my fellow villagers who did not know,although I have been studying their culture since the 1980s. His strong memory, without the pretense of sight for some years now, proves (in my view) the intense experience of his relations with the foreign village.
Depending on the products he had transported to the Livados villages, he began his long journey. It usually started in the morning, it had become a fixed point of reference for his fellow villagers, and that was why he was impressed by the possible violation of this normality. When, for example, he had to transport some piglets, he had to take them “early in the morning” from his fellow villagers to “come down” to Livadia as soon as possible to prevent them from delivering to their buyers before they even started their own course to the fields.
The course of his “descent” was stable, as people had traveled forever, either as trails or in his years as roads: From Filoti, through Damarion, he reached Damalas, in Malamatakis (where he is today Shell-Tromba), in Hani of the Kochli of Tsoukalas, in Agioi Anargyroi, in
10th kilometer, to the Metropolis, in the marble of Georgiades brothers. The last was a “marginal point” of his journey: From the top of the hill he was now gazing at all the western beach of Naxos, from Chora to at least Plaka, the Livados villages. The descendant of the Upper Villages now enters the territory of the Lower Horn, with so many boundaries, distinctions and cultural differences. For the God-man, however, they never existed. Absent from his family habitus in the first place, his professional life later eradicated any of his social reversals with his fellow villagers.
The special circumstances of Occupation forced him to depart for some time from his course: He was traveling to Avidelopiados, then to Metaakia,
“they had old water, and they drank from the workers before the road was the carriage”, at the 8th kilometer, in Blomas (Tripods). He remembers that, in this (“black” place) period, some of his sisters were leading as detectors and conquerors, through straits, so as not to “fall over” Italian soldiers. The most dangerous point (nodal) was the 8th kilometer, on which the conquerors settled in the morning to control the traffic. His meeting with them meant the least loss of his business …
The odyssey of transitions in the Livados villages was given, especially during the winter months: Snow, rains storms, rains. Interesting is his observation that he does not remember anything particularly important of the weather,
because, as he himself explained, he controlled the weather with his meticulous observation. Meteorology (theory says) has always been a realistic popular knowledge, because it was based (almost exclusively) on thorough and chronic observation44. He remembers only an unpredictable storm that “chased” him from Paros while “going up” to the Metropolis, but fortunately for him, he turned his “forehead” to the area of Peritsi’s bridge and did not cause any problems.
Upon his return to Filoti, he was almost “dark” almost in the area of the temple of the holy Anargyri in Sangri. It was a safe timestamp, since, when it was now at that point, it accurately counted it; without unpredictability; safe return to the village.
Its main (mainly) trade consisted in the supply of oil, olives, hair, fruit45, cheese and pigs46. It was the products that were missing from the production of the Netherland and which he and his “competitors” exchanged with the surplus: potatoes, beans, barley. The Glinadioti (especially) cultivated them mainly in their plain (but also in the perimeter zone of the village, its minimally productive curbs, the acacia and the cauliflower47). There, on their plain, in “plums” (specially groomed, plowed, fertilized fields), they also cultivated sweet potatoes, corn, tomatoes, beans, a few cotton, saus, chickpeas and abundant bostanica, all for private consumption. commercially available. I recall that the overwhelming majority of the population were farmers throughout the 20th century, that is, it was a far-sighted rural society. In 1928, for example, in an electoral register of its members, all are mentioned as farmers except two shoemakers, two builders and one tenant48.
The Glinadots gave what they possessed, sometimes species, especially the Occupation, sometimes money. It accurately remembers (cross-referenced relevant information) and exchange rates, such as:
– 6 ounces of potatoes corresponded to a single-grain cheese
– 4 ounces of barley in a whiskey
– 40-50 ounces of potatoes per piglet
– 8 ounces of potatoes in a bark
– 4 ounces of beans on one hair.
His “antagonists” in the village had other street vendors: From Filoti

44 cf. M. Meraklis, Greek Folklore …, op., 112.
45 We know that since the 1920s the main categories of itineraries in the interwar era
Athens was the seller of fruit, milk, eggs, and “hails”. The first
were the most emblematic picture of itinerary.
46 According to Manolis Iac. Psarra, some Chihuahua people in his village had daily deals with
the villages of Naxia and the surrounding islands (“Philotian Historical and Folk Comics”, op. cit., p. 223).
47 The first of the ancient Greek word. The second probably from the ancient Greek walnut (or bay)
and the inferior ending -arri (-arion). An unmistakable word in his Medieval Dictionary
Kriara (see 8, 1982, 117). See, now and MG Sergis, For a Folklore of Toponyms: The
place names (“micro-place names”) of a rural Naxos community as a “case study”
K. & M. Ant. Stamouli, Thessaloniki 2016, 19 and 96.
48 Election list of the Skopje Community of the Prefecture of Cyclades coded and printed on
of the revisions of the decisions of the Syrian Court of First Instance until 1928.

I know that “Tsaine”, Dim. Tzouannis, Babouvanasilis, Smilis? from Damarion the Spouse, from Potamia, Stelios and Manolis Grillides. The fruit produced and consumed at Glinado (in the context of family consumption) were mainly melons, watermelons and few pears and apricots. It is important to emphasize that Glinaddians were not in any way (in their dietary preferences I mean) e.g. the “tsinae” 49, which “many years later” covered the late Stephanis Molinides and Manolis Nafpliotis, from Potamia, a sustainable place of their production. The olive cultivation was almost unknown in Glinado, since a few olive trees existed only in the Lagadia region, and indeed a variety of them producing small-sized crowns, mainly edible.The oil of the year saved it by exchanging with the “Northern” Naxians the agricultural products I mentioned above. In general, the community covered its needs for items and services that it did not have with the surplus of its (above-mentioned) agricultural output. Finally, their need for breeding of the precious oeconomicus pig was covered most by the year since August, especially those who wished to gain an overweight pig, even 200 ounces, which was too valuable for their domestic economy, as I have elsewhere analyzed50.their need for rearing the precious oeconomicus pig covered most of them annually as early as August, especially those who wished to have an overweight pig, even 200 ounces, overpriced for their domestic economy, as I have elsewhere analyzed50.their need for rearing the precious oeconomicus pig covered most of them annually as early as August, especially those who wished to have an overweight pig, even 200 ounces, overpriced for their domestic economy, as I have elsewhere analyzed50.
Stoki of NTH in Glinado was the home of Margarita Scarkou, in the Upper Horio. There he gathered his products and from there, depending on the orders he carried, “spread” along the whole length and breadth of the village, from Rex to Gintilli. Another place in the village was the residence of Marigos Tzanidainas51, in Kato Horio, but also the Lagogianni butcher shop, in which he stored his bought or bought potatoes. There he stayed overnight if he did not return to his village due to an unforeseen event.
Glinadiotis was first treated as a separate human category. They did not know “Theonas” type merchants in their society, since they had acquired “agrarian consciousness” forever, as was foretold; agrarianity was their characteristic. Any other profession was for them exotic or negligible, so its foreign entity could automatically be transformed

49 As for the rising of the Potamites Xinidades, because the main production of their village was the lemon-trees, in the MG Sergis, Aklimimata. Intersections as aspects of otherness in ancient and modern Greece, Antonis Anagnostou, Athens 2005, 207.
50 See MG Sergis, Folklore and Ethnography from Glinado Naxos, Progressive Group of Glinado Naxos, Athens 1994, 208-209. See also Eu. Avdikos, “The Goat in Western Thessaly: Symbols and Social Reproduction,” in vol. Alexakis, M. Vrachionidou, Andromeda. Oikonomou (Ed.), Anthropology and Symbolism in Greece, Hellenic Society of Ethnology, Athens 2008,
71 cc; M. Sergis, “The Twelve-day passage in the customary” cycle of time “: Examples of Greek and Bulgarian Folklore”, Parnassos 51 (2009), p. 82-84.
51 Right across from my own father’s home in the village. My younger fellow villagers know it by the name of her son, whom he was rebuilding: Tzannikou (bought a few years ago by Nicholas Sergi – of Marangos).
52 M. Sergis, “The History of the Landscape: The example of a rural community in Naxos, 1953-
2003 “in the Proceedings of a Scientific Meeting on” The Earth – Life and Creation Matrix “,
Ministry of Culture, Department of Modern Cultural Heritage, Museum of Greek Popularity
Art, Athens 2008, 101-112.

even on the subject of ridicule. Antibara had the whole personality. The NTH was also at the same time “Psilochorian”, and the real and symbolic rivalries between the Avanochorian and the Kathorian are known to the Naxians as a further confirmed realization of the opposing dipole mountain vs. plain [53]. However, all of the above negative elements, as a priori data in the conclusion of interpersonal relations, erased everything that follows.
The NTH it is worth to be remembered as a separate person in the terms I have described above. But also for another reason, that goes into the previous. For his ethos. Given that the ethos of the man of “traditional” civilization can by no means be considered homodimic and homogeneous (it determined tensions, quarrels, misinformations, etc.), it is worth mentioning him as a person of extraordinary morality, exemplary a model for the rest of his fellow villagers, even the younger ones, but also for foreigners. There was also a difference in this prominent issue. That is why it was imposed on their conscience. Goodness and moral behavior have always been disarm even the bad word of the other. They make the just man easier to value, as the culture of the “traditional” man taught us. The popular man rewarded behaviors that were in harmony with the ideal of law and virtue. Bourdieu confirms this: Anyone who complies with the Community rule is in favor of this group. He even considers that we can speak of a “… universal ecumenical law, on the basis of which there is some profit (symbolic and, at one time, material) from submission to ecumenical, by (at least) apparent compliance with the imperatives of virtue. . I recall that, according to Aristotle, it is a righteous one who constantly does (without imposing or ignoring) righteous deeds, so that they may become “? Everyone like this, ye volunteers say righteousness; ?Phi? Practice? of the right ones; yeah? ?Phi? ? They are right. “56 Human action is always about the assumed (stochastic and implicit) side of human existence, and centuries afterwards the anthropologists repeat.
In my discussions with NT. many times the notion of duty was heard. He adapted it to his speech when he spoke of his moral duty towards the people (the poor in particular), the Divine Law; when he talked about the predominant representation of his ethics of his profession, which de facto had for centuries created negative coexistence for the crippling people: A priori, a merchant usually meant this little scapegoat, the representative of fraud and mischief58. She particularly pointed out that this

53 M. Sergis, Aklimemata …, op. Cit., 183 pp.
54 In any case, any attempt to idealize it does not belong to the scientific folklore. Cf.
B. Nitsiakos, Traditional Social Structures, op. 49.
55 P. Bourdieu, Practical Reasons for the Theory of Practice, Rania Tououttzi, Pletron, Athens
2000, 216, 217.
56 Ethics of Nicomacheia, 1129a, 6-9.
57 Thomas Hylland Eriksen, Small Places, Big Issues …, op., 93.
58 The appeals and the advice from the scholar merchant X. Zygouras are interesting
to colleague of his time (decade 1870) in order to acquire the characteristics
those needed to break down the stereotyped negative connotations for
their laughter. It must be self-sufficient, simple, liberal, ambitious, housekeeper, wise, precise,

worship in the “religion of duty” is pre- sented by God, but it has now become an autonomous morality, independent, integrated into his soul. His views; I think how? it is interesting, especially today, that we have now passed from the religion of duty to the absence of duty59. In the post-communist society of our time, Lipovetsky writes, “… the rupture of the culture of absolute duty continues its course in the end for exclusive eudemonic values, morality is recycled into sight …” 60. The NTH he remains a deeply devoted person, but I feel that he experiences this feeling in his true dimension / value, without endlessness, but by obedience to the law of moral reasoning imposed by the orthodox religious doctrine.
This ethos is confirmed primarily by the testimonies of some of his fellow villagers that I have chosen at random. My colleagues, Antonis Tziotis and Haidou Moustakis, as representatives of all their fellow citizens (mainly of the elderly, who talked with me in the cafes of the village) wrote among others:
“… By opening up the pages of the cultural, social and economic past of my village, Filoti, we will find many people who have left their name because of their social wishes and their professional activity. and many of my fellow villagers, who are recorded in the delta of collective memory with honorary content, have excelled.
Among the most prominent members of the philological economic history are Nikolas Emm. Theonas, who, happily, completes this year’s 101st year of age, with obviously his biological aging but obviously the spiritual its clarity.
Nicolas Theon of youth was a model of creativity and creativity. A man of coherent thought and vision of visions, he deserved to associate his name with the commercial history of Filoti and to blame with his humanity and social cultivation in a society of constraints and difficulties. His unselfish workmanship and intelligent spirit have made him a factor that, with modernized commercial moves, has been named brilliant and trusted in the philanthropic society. The economic struggle and

faithful, philanthropist. “I do not know the truth, I do not know the truth, I do not know the truth, I do not believe it, A. Brett & Co., 203-204).
59 Looking at these issues in detail, in Zil Lipovetsky, The Twilight of Task, mr.
Veronika Mighiaki, Kastaniotis, Athens 1998.
60 Zil Lipovetsky, op., 66.

taking with his fellow villagers was a secure guarantee factor, with reciprocity of inaccurate trust. The name “Theon” has now passed to the loud names of the commercial and social life of Filoti. God, he has written, what we call “history”. He is rightly enjoying today the sincere love and the immense appreciation of his fellow villagers … “.
In a different style, but in the same spirit moves the “deposition” by Ch. Moustakis: (…) First stop in the glitter of the mind, the shop of Theon. Paradise to all of us. The Horn of Amalia in his supreme abundance. Sheltered shelves hanging from the walls were varied boxes, where products and items sold were arranged and strictly rigid. How did this place from an inexhaustible source of goods to a self-evident meeting point, a hint of a brief philosophy, the exchange of information throughout the world, the updating of what was happening to our Filothy? I also remember that big double-door door and the wooden hatch in front of it that led to an underground backup source of goods. Every time I became an eyewitness to her haul, I was filled with fear, awe,curiosity about the deep groan that was overwhelmed by her heart. Moments of unforgettable joy staying in the store. Behind the well-appointed but clean bench, it shows the tall, aristocratic, right-hand side of Nikolaos of Theon. The glasses were lowered down into the nose to a permanent position, and in my childlike soft world I was a wise and omniscient. His hands were commanded, and they quickly and effortlessly dropped from the sheltered shelves what the customer was asking for. A tall staircase was always ready to bring what was high above. How gentle, human warm, discreet? How much did his form and role play in our childish fantasy with the kind of goodies that traveled from the city! Trader sharp, tall, fast, honest. Accounts are calculated from memory,the use of pencil was only done with respect to the customer. It was used to meet the financial needs of co-operatives and managed them with discretion and respect. His wife near, and later; until today ? on the main street of Filotio worked dynamically and versatile. It was something like a supermarket of the time, a product center, a space for cultural social updates. It was also a brokerage office of the time, serving unselfishly and clearly unfairly
when he wanted to sell or buy a house, a land.
Nikolas the god of the book, a philologist and prolific play-
it has been a decisive role for the village society with its commercial demons
his place was an outbreak of spiritual interest. The store does not
was just the typical market place and transaction. It was enough to give the trigger
and the hoods in products room to mutate at the same time in a tightening area
relations and mutual cultures, meeting of villagers, space of feedback
soul. And only walking as the God of pleasure mood inspired. The
reaching us at the door of the commercial meant and our mysterious transition
to one another in other countries unknown and magical. Iama redemptive
and comforting in the loneliness of the winter, the feeling of
of the shop. Thalos loving for us the next living beings. They are
between us Nicolas the God. Hundreds. In the multi-faceted age-old face,

which reflects the story of a whole era of Filoti. In the face of our fellow-fellow militant fellow, I feel that even absent fighters of a difficult era are moving around us. They stand next to us, strengthen us, so that we next can write our own little story … “.
They also validate (the ethos) the testimonies of Glinadots. Everyone, without exception, represents the history of their relations with praiseworthy words. “The best Greek” was marked by someone. They even remember the warm welcome they received in 1985, when they “fell down” in the village to see once again their “brothers” as he described them, Glinadiotis. I write “gathered” because it is understood that after all, after 1958, he met them individually in the country when he went there for his commercial transactions and those for their small work.
It confirms (his ethos) his own testimony from his glinadic experience. (He himself avoided speaking in our interviews about issues that marked his altruistic character): The potatoes who once bought and weighed a night in the village and reweighed to Filoti the following day were fewer than five o’clock. He doubted if he had to announce the matter with Glinadiotis. He finally decided. He remembers the scene, at Vangelis’ cafe in Dallas (later Nera), with NK’s “counterpart”, who denied the sale. The NTH is categorical: “I wanted to tell you so that I could be credible.” I did not want to, I do not want it! ”
He testifies himself to the children who lived in the philanthropic society, Manolis and Giorgis, as a material realization of his own morality and continuants of his genus. I do not need to mention here in general the family’s contribution to the moral and spiritual life of her children by providing them with the necessary moral standards first of all. We do not, of course, overlook the role of their mother, Mrs. Irene, since Brody and Schaefer have shown that mothers have a greater influence on the moral thinking and development of their children.
He ultimately proves this with the material and moral help he offered to his sisters in order to restore them and create their own families.